Global EditionASIA 中文雙語(yǔ)Fran?ais
Opinion
Home / Opinion / Chinese Perspectives

Taiwan residents reject DPP's political manipulation and separatist agenda

By Yao Yuxin | chinadaily.com.cn | Updated: 2025-07-27 17:11
Share
Share - WeChat

Taiwan people resist—but will Lai escalate?

In the wake of the failed mass recall initiative launched by the DPP, the island's political landscape is undergoing a moment of reckoning. Though the DPP framed the campaign as a democratic exercise, the deeper logic behind the move was clear to many: a power grab aimed at regaining control of the legislature and consolidating one-party rule.

Currently, Taiwan's local legislature is dominated by an alliance between the KMT and the TPP, denying Lai and the DPP the ability to push through legislation at will. The recall was not merely about removing a few opposition lawmakers. It was a political gambit to restructure the legislative balance of power — allowing the DPP to synchronize legislative and executive authority and bulldoze through its policy agenda, particularly on sensitive issues like cross-Strait relations.

For Lai, this is about more than governance. It's about political dominance. Gaining full control of the legislative branch would enable the DPP to advance its long-standing agenda of so-called "resisting China and protecting Taiwan", and perhaps even inch further down the path toward formal "independence". Without checks from the opposition, Lai's administration would face fewer institutional restraints — not only legislatively, but potentially judicially, as seen in the ongoing deadlock over the nomination of new grand justices.

Yet the voters didn't buy it. The public, it seems, has grown weary of political maneuvering and ideological polarization. The results suggest that the DPP's attempt to frame the recall as a matter of "national integrity" rang hollow. Many saw it for what it was: a politically charged purge aimed at silencing dissent and tightening control. For a party that claims to stand for democratic values, the move came across as dangerously authoritarian.

This recall battle has exposed a critical fault line in the island's political culture. Voters are signaling a preference for stability, pragmatic governance, and unity over divisive theatrics. They are tired of being used as pawns in endless partisan battles. They want less shouting and more problem-solving — especially at a time when economic pressures and regional uncertainty are mounting.

There's also a deeper concern at play. Many fear that if the DPP monopolizes both the executive and legislative branches, it will not stop there. With unchecked power, the party could expand its influence into judicial processes, further weakening the island's political mechanism. And in cross-Strait affairs, a more emboldened DPP—freed from internal constraints—may pursue more provocative or risky moves, raising the chances of confrontation with the mainland. That, in turn, could bring instability to Taiwan itself, with ordinary citizens paying the highest price.

The DPP's recent defeat, while significant, is only a first round. More votes are scheduled, and the outcome is far from certain. Taiwan's political currents can shift quickly, and the party has proven adept at mobilizing grassroots sentiment — especially by playing the familiar card of "anti-China" rhetoric. It remains a potent tool in a society where identity politics are deeply entrenched.

Still, this vote was a clear warning. Voters are not blind to political manipulation, and the DPP's increasingly combative approach may be backfiring. If Lai's administration chooses to double down — opting for retaliation and escalation rather than reflection — it risks eroding both its legitimacy and the social cohesion the island so desperately needs.

What comes next is uncertain — but volatility cannot be ruled out. With public support shaken and legislative control out of reach, the DPP may seek to shift focus outward, using cross-Strait tensions to rally its base and regain narrative control. In such a scenario, provocations or policy hardening are possible. For Beijing, the priority is clear: maintain strategic composure while staying prepared for potential disruption ahead.

Xin Qiang is director of the Center for Taiwan Studies at Fudan University.

The views don't necessarily reflect those of China Daily.

If you have a specific expertise, or would like to share your thought about our stories, then send us your writings at opinion@chinadaily.com.cn, and comment@chinadaily.com.cn.

|<< Previous 1 2 3   
Most Viewed in 24 Hours
Top
BACK TO THE TOP
English
Copyright 1995 - . All rights reserved. The content (including but not limited to text, photo, multimedia information, etc) published in this site belongs to China Daily Information Co (CDIC). Without written authorization from CDIC, such content shall not be republished or used in any form. Note: Browsers with 1024*768 or higher resolution are suggested for this site.
License for publishing multimedia online 0108263

Registration Number: 130349
FOLLOW US
主站蜘蛛池模板: 亚洲日本一区二区三区在线不卡| 国产成人综合欧美精品久久| 久久人人爽人人爽人人av东京热 | 亚州1区2区3区4区产品乱码2021| 看一级毛片**直播在线| 国产成人久久精品二区三区| 91精品国产福利在线观看| 成人福利app| 久久精品国产精品亚洲精品| 正在播放暮町ゆう子在线观看| 日韩大片在线永久免费观看网站 | 97视频久久久| 性做久久久久久| 久久亚洲色www成人欧美| 欧美人与动性xxxxx杂性| 人人超碰人人爱超碰国产| 老子影院午夜伦手机电影| 国产日韩欧美二区| 91精品久久国产青草| 好吊操视频在线| 中文字幕在线视频在线看| 日韩精品一区二区三区在线观看| 亚洲日韩欧美一区二区三区在线| 精品中文字幕久久久久久| 国产一区二区三区久久精品| 丁香六月综合网| 国产精品永久免费自在线观看| kink系列视频在线播放| 手机看片福利久久| 久久强奷乱码老熟女| 果冻传媒国产电影免费看| 亚洲欧洲综合在线| 狍和女人一级毛片免费的| 午夜成人无码福利免费视频| 蜜桃成熟之蜜桃仙子| 国产成人精品亚洲| 福利免费在线观看| 国产综合久久久久鬼色| 99精品在线视频| 女人腿张开让男人桶爽| 两个美女脱了内裤互摸网沾|